Do neighbourhood facilities matter for slum housing? Evidence from Indian slum clusters

Saudamini Das, Arup Mitra and Rajnish Kumar

Institute of Economic Growth, Delhi, India

http://usj.sagepub.com/content/early/2016/03/04/0042098016634578.abstract

Slum dwellers in developing countries reside in inhuman conditions with meagre access to basic amenities. There is a strong possibility that drinking water becomes contaminated by sewerage or general garbage. Why is it so? Is it because they do not care about living in a clean environment or is it simply because they cannot afford to do so?

We examine these questions in the context of the registered slum clusters of four Indian cities--Mathura, Ujjain, Jaipur, and Ludhiana. Mathura and Ujjain are located in central part of the country and are predominantly religious cities whereas Jaipure and Ludhiana, located in western part of the country are more developed with wide spread business and industrial clusters. Thus, all the four cities witness large scale migration from rural areas in search of livelihood.  Most migrants end up residing in slums.

A primary survey was conducted by some of the authors in the year 2006-07 in these cities under a project on urban poverty sponsored jointly by the United Nations Development Programme and the Government of India. The detailed data on demography, income, health, housing, neighborhood, migration, etc. of the slum dwellers were collected.  We analyzed the house prices of the owned residential sample units using a reduced form hedonic equation to find out which features determine the prices of residential units in slums, and in particular whether neighborhood cleanliness plays any role or not?

The hedonic price theory is an extension of the theory of attributes. It assumes that commodity prices are functions of the attributes that the commodities possess and thus, by studying the changes in the price of a product with respect to marginal change in the attribute it possesses, one can find out the premium the consumer pays for the attribute. In other words, by differentiating the price function with respect to a characteristic, one can derive the consumer’s marginal willingness to pay for that characteristic. Using this logic, house prices are considered to be a function of structural, neighborhood and environmental features of the house, and residents’ willingness to pay for each feature is derived from the differential of the estimated hedonic house price equation. We conducted such analysis of slum house prices using a set of structural, neighborhood, environmental and legal features of the respective houses. Slums being illegal structures in many places, features like demolition threat, whether the slum is situated in public or private land, etc. are likely to affect house prices.We categorized these variables as legal features. We included two features – presence of flowing open drain in the neighborhood and presence of chocked open drain in the neighborhood as two neighborhood cleanliness variables. First we estimated the reduced form hedonic equation of house prices and then using the differential of house prices with respect to features having significant effect on house prices, we calculated slum residents’ marginal willingness to pay for the specific feature. The significant features reflect the slum dwellers’ preferred attributes in house selection.

 We find house prices varying consistently with many structural variables – built up area, number of rooms, if having brick wall,concrete roof, separate kitchen, attached bath and toilet, attached balcony and courtyard, piped water connection, etc. Temporary window and doors had strong negative effect on house prices. But only few of the neighborhood features—proximity to central business district, presence of streetlight and  house being connected tosewage facility from government showed significant positive effect on house prices. Such results were consistent across cities. Most of the other neighborhood variables like provision of water, garbage collection, presence of healthcare etc including presence of open drain, both chocked and flowing, in the neighborhood showed insignificant effect on house prices. Demolition threat had a significant negative effect on house prices.

These results indicate that house selection by slum dwellers is mostly being guided by features related to house quality, availability of facilities inside the house and some basic amenities like provision of street light or sewage system provided by the local authority. However, they seem to be paying high prices for a good quality house even if it is situated next to an open drain. Such results have strong implication for Indian cities, especially with the Swachh Bharat Campaign of the Government of India. First slum dwellers need to be better informed concerning the importance of  cleanliness through campaigns which create awareness.

Slum dwellers expect public provisioning of most of the neighborhood facilities, but they are very willing to pay for features like government supported sewage, street lights, and for being permitted to reside within the city. Thus, cost sharing is possible in order to provide these facilities and the revenue generated can be used for information campaigns to inform residents of the importance of cleanliness.

Is empowerment a route to improving mental health and wellbeing in an urban regeneration (UR) context?

Camilla Baba

University of Glasgow, Scotland

http://usj.sagepub.com/content/early/2016/02/25/0042098016632435.abstract?rss=1 

Throughout the UK, large-scale urban regeneration (UR) interventions are increasingly recognised as Population Health Interventions (PHI). As complex, multi-sector programmes, UR programmes have the unique opportunity to ameliorate health inequalities. Indeed, there is an established evidence base on how population health improvements can be identified as potential outcomes of regeneration programmes. The research behind our recent paper in Urban Studies builds on previous evidence of a positive link between health and empowerment and applies this to the specific UR context.

The work presented is part of a wider, longitudinal research programme in Glasgow (http://www.gowellonline.com/) investigating the impact of UR on the health and wellbeing of affected individuals, families and communities. Central to this on-going city regeneration is the Scottish Government’s commitment to the empowerment for all communities, especially disadvantaged communities. It is envisaged that as empowerment has been positively linked to health within the other fields, investment in empowerment as part of UR programme delivery will improve residents’ overall wellbeing. However, currently there is a lack of evidence as to whether such investment could result in health gains.  Therefore, we sought to investigate this.

 We examined if feelings of empowerment were associated with;

• different personal/socio-demographic characteristics;
• different types of engagement activities;
• neighbourhood perceptions and resident interactions;
• physical and mental health and wellbeing outcomes.

Our analyses present a compelling argument for the inclusion of empowerment promoting activities within UR programmes. Sense of empowerment was shown to act as a positive predictor of both general and mental wellbeing, with householders reporting a stronger sense of empowerment also reporting better health.

However, our work also illustrates the need for changes to current stakeholder engagement practices. Long-term illness or disability was shown to impact negatively on feeling empowered and speaks to other research where financial difficulties and lack of peer interaction were influenced by long-term illness and disability. We suggest that stakeholders should pay particular attention to socially excluded individuals to prevent this growing sense of isolation and adopt other working practices for engagement.

More positively, higher satisfaction with housing /landlord services and a stronger sense of belonging to neighbourhood, were predictors for empowerment.  Householders who felt respected, had neighbourhood pride/ identity and felt they were given opportunity to contribute to local area decisions through feedback mechanisms also reported feeling empowered.

Our key message is that the delivery of empowerment promoting activities shows initial, very promising, links to health improvements and could ultimately prove to be a cost-effective pathway for such health benefits. However, a current lack of understanding over ‘what-works’ in sharing key decision-making processes with communities is preventing its progress. Thus, through examining what behaviours are linked with empowerment in an UR context, we argue that stakeholders wishing to promote empowerment must first examine residents’ PE, their capabilities/assets and how they work collectively. Such work future resource allocation in the pursuit of improved and more equitable health and wellbeing within and across communities.

 

Choice and segregation: Why are Finnish schools and neighbourhoods falling?

Venla Bernelius - University of Helsinki, Finland


Mari Vaattovaara - University of Helsinki, Finland


http://usj.sagepub.com/content/early/2016/02/16/0042098015621441.abstract

Throughout the last decade Finland has been globally known as the Nordic PISA-wonder. The country has not only been among the global top in learning outcomes, but also particularly equal. The high share of excellent performers has been followed by small differences between the students; the poorest learners and schools have outperformed their reference group in all other countries.

Our article builds on two observations: Firstly, that the same pattern observed in education has been the defining feature of the Finnish society, both in cities and in schools in general. It has for long been assumed in research and policy-making that the social differences are small and if they grow, they mainly do so by the wealthy taking off, while the tail end of the society remains stable. Reflecting this, even the city planning documents from the capital, Helsinki, have contained worries about new areas becoming “too elitist”.

The second observation is that all of these observations are now being challenged. New research has shown that the learning outcomes are declining and especially the poorest learners are falling further behind. At the same time, the cities are getting more segregated – not through the rising status of the well-off areas, but a through concentrating disadvantage in some neighbourhoods.

Our interest has been to track down some of the possible mechanisms behind the observed changes in the cities and schools of Helsinki. We concentrated on the role of choice – i.e. the choices people make when moving to different neighbourhoods or the choice of school for their children – since the effects of choice has been debated in international literature. On one hand, choice has been identified as a possible mechanism for alleviating segregation, and on the other, as a mechanism for fueling further segregation.

The article is based on multiple data sets, containing statistical data and a survey on families’ location decisions, as well as data on school choices and learning outcomes. Our analysis shows that both the choice of neighbourhood and school choices have the potential to increase segregation. The effect of location decisions operates through avoiding or moving out of disadvantaged neighbourhoods. School choices also deepen the differentiation of schools. Although there are no public ranking lists of the neighbourhood schools, the student flows are directed systematically from more disadvantaged schools to the ones with higher attainment level. While the average schools are not affected by choice, the process weakens the learning results in the schools with lower initial attainment level and pushes up the attainment level in the schools with the highest level to begin with.

Based on our analysis, segregation – and the changing pattern of segregation through decline – operates at by the behavior of individual families navigating the city and its schools. Rather than alleviating differences, choice appears to act as a driver of segregation. The observation is particularly interesting for the theoretical debate on the effects of choice, as the Nordic welfare context with its strong support network and relatively low levels of ethnic and socio-economic differentiation is argued to maximally alleviate the negative effects of social processes. The observation can thus be assumed to be relatively robust through contexts of higher segregation and weaker welfare networks.  

Housing the Knowledge Economy in China: An Examination of Housing Provision in Support of Science Parks

http://usj.sagepub.com/content/early/2016/01/29/0042098015627106.full


Julie T Miao, University of Glasgow

I was delighted to be awarded an early career grant from the Regional Studies Association (RSA) which enabled me to explore the potential disjuncture between the centralised social-institutional arrangement and the decentralised techno-economic system in China. I was inspired by the studies (such as Peck & Zhang, 2013) on the emerging Sino-capitalism regime but disappointed by the reductionist ‘neoliberalism’ label that broad-brush China’s distinctive social and economic evolution. As a scholar who witnessed China’s reforms over the past three decades, I am more than aware that the Central government retains a firm hand over a wide range of social-institutional management and activities. Ironically, the faster economic ‘neoliberalism’ has advanced, the more the state has asserted bureaucratic-authoritarian control over its social affairs, because of the fear for social disturbance.

Within this context I focused my attention on three science parks, specifically the imbalance between housing provision and labour market within and surrounding these science parks, to explore the disjuncture between China’s social and economic subsystems. The three science parks chosen were: Beijing Zhongguancun Science Park (Z-Park); Shanghai Zhangjiang Science Park (Z-SHIPs), and Wuhan Optics Valley of China (OVC). They were selected because the housing-labour imbalance is at its most acute around these industry agglomerations. Three research aims were set for this project:

   (1) To profile Chinese policy evolutions and governance for labour markets and affordable housing; 

   (2) To identify disjunctures in the different mixes of state-market relations in different regions;

   (3) To discuss civil society and government responses to emerging problems.

This paper on ‘Housing the Knowledge Economy’ mainly addressed the latter two questions, in particular the awareness of social housing providers to the housing needs of knowledge workers. These issues were analysed mainly through secondary data, complemented by interviews with local and national authority and science parks’ managers. This method was chosen because the supply (rather than demand) effect of social housing was the main concern of this paper. Based on extensive documentary coding and analysis, it was found that for China as a whole, its labour market has been liberalised to a similar extent as that in the West, but Beijing is still the ‘central command centre’ in setting targets for social housing construction, which has resulted in a substantial disjuncture between where people work and where they live. Nonetheless, regional variations were prominent.

In Z-Park, where the most acute work-home imbalance was identified, the local authorities were least explicit in their social housing (or even commercial housing) commitment. Along with spatial expansion of Z-Park outside the central districts of Beijing, more social housing (financed by the municipal government) for Z-Park employees was provided around it. In Z-SHIPs, attention to the housing needs of science park employees was much more noticeable than Z-Park. But what made Z-SHIPs stood out was its reliance on the private rental sector, whereas the municipal government offers small subsidy to on-park workers. In OVC, where the land constraint was not as severe as in the other two cases, the real estate sector has long been identified as the pillar of local development. Social housing was public financed and distributed, and often located far from city centre, in a pattern similar to Z-Park. But the much more aggressive real estate development in OVC might distract the public resources, such as land and capital, from industrial development.

By distinguishing China’s social-institutional and techno-economic domains, this research could uncover the multiple faces of the widely debated Sino-capitalism. Another novel aspect of this research lies in identifying the possible inconsistent pace towards neoliberalism both temporarily and regionally, which in turn could hamper China’s overall system function. This draws policy attention to a systematic approach in promoting knowledge economy. A following paper from this project, which is based on questionnaire survey of knowledge workers, will explore further such inconsistencies around the three Science Parks from the demand side.  

 

Peck, Jamie and Zhang, Jun (2013), 'A variety of capitalism . . . with Chinese characteristics?', Journal of Economic Geography, 13, 357-96.

Creative economy policy in developing countries: The case of Indonesia

http://usj.sagepub.com/content/early/2015/12/09/0042098015620529.full 

Fikri Zul Fahmi, Philip McCann and Sierdjan Koster

University of Groningen

Economic growth policies based on the creative economy have arrived in Indonesia. Widely adopted in Anglo-Saxon and European countries, the Indonesian government has recently embraced the idea. A ministry was established to coordinate the creative economy sector especially. The goal is to inspire the growth of creative industries as a driver for local economic development. However, the national policy formulation and the local implementations and interpretations are importantly divorced. This can jeopardize the anticipated outcomes. Local forces and path dependence appear strong. Cities rich in traditional culture interpret the creative economy discourse in terms of traditional handicraft businesses and tourism. Meanwhile, in more advanced cities, the ‘real’ creative industries are already growing and the local government started to be aware of the difference between creative industries and long-established traditional businesses which focus on heritage, conservative values. Yet, it is visible that in both situations, local governments use the creative economy policy to reinforce what is already there.

This is what we found in Bandung, Surakarta and Yogyakarta, the first three cities to implement the creative economy policy in Indonesia. Bandung is the only city in which the interpretation aligns with the general understanding of a creative economy that emphasises innovation and new knowledge creation. Meanwhile, in Surakarta and Yogyakarta the term creative economy is used, while it refers to existing ‘traditional’ cultural economic activities – batik and traditional crafts - which have been in operation for years. These different interpretations are governed by several factors. Firstly, in Bandung there were ‘intermediaries’, especially The British Council, university actors and epistemic communities, who introduced the creative economy discourse and directed the local government’s interpretation towards the creative economy concept. Secondly, related to this, these intermediaries helped structure local assemblages and influenced local policies so that the creative economy not only became a development discourse, but also an important strategy embodied in local policies. In comparison, the creative economy was applied by the national government in Surakarta and Yogyakarta as ‘pilot projects’, but at the end of the day, the local governments in these cities decided to focus on traditional cultural industries as these industries are big and have been cultural attractions in these cities. Thirdly, there is a strong attachment to traditional culture in Surakarta and Yogyakarta, making it politically challenging to prioritize a ‘modern’, innovative creative economy like in Bandung.

The creative economy idea has become a temptation for many governments in Asian developing countries. However, often this means copy-pasting the word  ‘creative economy’ without considering whether the concept is suitable for local contexts. The Indonesian case thus provides insights for other developing countries. So, can stimulating a creative economy be the way forward for developing countries? It can, in some cities. There would be some cities that will be ready for this ‘creative turn’, while for others continuing the development of tradition-based economic activities might be more relevant. This, of course, depends on what the local government wants to do: developing the ‘innovative-style’ of creative economy, or rather protecting traditional values in cultural industries. Governments clearly can do both, but they need to acknowledge that the accompanying policy strategies as well as the expected economic gains importantly differ. For example, to support a ‘real’ creative economy, it is crucial to develop a climate  that allows creative industries or entrepreneurs to collaborate and build networks. Meanwhile, to support the traditional cultural economy, supply-side support seems important, as the small businesses involved in the sector are  vulnerable and have a limited capacity to highlight and economise cultural values. Given the weak articulation of the national policy and the different local interpretations, the creative economy policy in its current form is unlikely to become the silver bullet the Indonesian government wants it to be.

City of go(l)d: Spatial and cultural effects of high-status Jewish immigration from Western countries on the Baka neighbourhood of JerusalemCity of go(l)d: Spatial and cultural effects of high-status Jewish immigration from Western countries on the Baka neighbourhood of Jerusalem

http://usj.sagepub.com/content/early/2016/01/19/0042098015625023.abstract?rss=1

Hila Zaban

SOAS University of London, UK

My article “City of go(l)d: Spatial and cultural effects of high-status Jewish immigration from Western countries on the Baka neighbourhood of Jerusalem” discusses high-status privileged migration to Israel by Jews from Western countries, and its influences on one of the places where they settle – a Jerusalem neighbourhood called Baka.

My interest in the topic started from a resident’s perspective, as an Israeli-Jew who suddenly found herself in an English/French speaking environment, where housing prices were going up rapidly, new housing solely built and marketed for wealthy newcomers and where the cultural atmosphere was very accommodating for migrants, and less so for Israelis. I wanted to understand the processes at play and the immigrants’ perspectives.

The article discusses privileged migration to Israel, an ethnic immigration country, where the sole criteria for immigration is Jewish origin. I am dealing particularly with immigration of Jews from Western countries – the United States, France and the UK. The way Diaspora Jews imagine Israel and Jerusalem plays a crucial role in their decision to move there. Many immigrants choose to live near other expatriates in order to enjoy the comforts of the ethnic enclave. The paper deals with the outcomes of such choice, in terms of the spatial and cultural implications that privileged lifestyle migration has on the space in which it settles.

While Jewish immigration to Israel is termed “aliya” and their immigration is perceived as a homecoming, I choose to term it as a type of lifestyle migration, in order to place it among larger trends in contemporary immigration and the literature concerning it. By so doing, I aim to contribute to the understanding of the effects lifestyle migration has on cities, neighbourhoods and housing markets and to elaborate the understanding of who lifestyle migrants are, what motivates them and how they live in their destinations.

The paper focuses on the case-study of English- and French-speaking Jewish immigrants who live in the Baka neighbourhood in Jerusalem and on their effects on the neighbourhood’s gentrification process, its real estate market and issues of consumerism and belonging. This case-study demonstrates how lifestyle migration links with urban transformation. While gentrification has more often been studied in the global north, this paper shows that neoliberal processes, like gentrification or the global flow of capital and investments, are indeed much more encompassing.

While much has been written on the topic of gentrification, there is not so much on the combination between gentrification and immigration, and particularly high-status lifestyle migration, defined as the mobility of relatively privileged individuals in search for a better quality of life. Similar processes currently occur in many places and therefore, the spatial politics of privileged migration and its impact on cities, neighbourhoods and housing markets is a story that needs to be told. Moreover, as lifestyle migration has mainly been researched in the context of rural or coastal tourist destinations, this urban case-study illuminates a somewhat blind spot of this literature.

Being Visible in Public Space: The Normalization of Asymmetrical Visibility

Tali Hatuka and Eran Toch

http://usj.sagepub.com/content/early/2016/01/19/0042098015624384.full

When and where do we choose to share information about ourselves? How do we perceive public space and virtual space? How these perceptions influence our practices of ‘seeing and being seen’? These are the key questions in this paper, which aims at better defining the idea of visibility, seen as a practice that constitutes forms of noticing, managing attention, and determining the significance of events and subjects. In this paper we argue that the notion of visibility is influenced from the dynamic – of data collected vertically ‘in the name of public safety’ (i.e., top-down surveillance and ‘smart’ data centres) and data being shared horizontally ‘in the name of democracy’ (i.e., through individuals’ social networks) – which contributes to a sense of ‘being exposed’ in public space. This sense or condition normalizes practices of sharing and thus contributes to the norms of personal data exposure. It is important to note that this vertical-horizontal dynamic is not a dichotomist condition but should be seen as a set of juxtaposed methods of information collection and sharing that enhances Asymmetrical Visibility and contributes to its Normalization.

Seeking to understand the condition of visibility in public and, in particular, the manner in which visibility is activated and perceived by the self, the focus of the paper is on behavioural practices and the sharing of data in different social settings. We show that individuals are aware of the varied meanings of the idea of visibility when appearing in public and sharing personal information. Indeed, the practice of sharing information is not a new phenomenon, but the new technologies have transformed this practice for many.  

To collect the quantitative information, an Android application called Smart-Spaces was used that combines smartphone-based surveys with online tracking of locations and phone application usage. The Smart-Spaces application was installed for 20 days on the phones of students at Tel Aviv University, during which the participants answered context-based surveys during their daily routines. Each participant was interviewed before and after the instalment of Smart-Spaces. Our quantitative findings show that there is a correlation between the type of space and the willingness to provide information, with high willingness to share one’s location and other information in public spaces. In summary, the proportion of places that are considered public is closely correlated with the number of people nearby. Essentially, a ‘public’ place is a place with many people, even if it is a closed space. In association with this finding, it is not surprising to find that people are less likely to share their locations when they are with friends, and they are slightly less likely to share their locations when they are working. However, what is surprising is the broader picture. As a whole, the participants were not bothered by sharing slightly more than 73% of their locations. Thus, while there are differences between sharing preferences in different types of spaces, these differences are weaker compared to the overall willing to share all locations. Our qualitative findings show that the participants see convergence between the online and offline worlds. For most of the participants, exposure and practices of visibility are an integral and major part of daily life, both in public and virtual space.

Acknowledging that we live in a technology-based society and that individuals have more tools to manage and ‘show’ themselves in public, the question becomes how the practices of collecting data through location-based technologies change not only users’ perceptions but also public space itself. The question is not so much whether public space as experienced today and monitored is still public, but rather what are the lenses through which we need to look at it. As this study showed, the self in public space is (willingly or not) becoming an identifiable subject.