Kitty Lymperopoulou – University of
Manchester and ESRC Centre on Dynamics of Ethnicity
Nissa Finney – University of St
Andrews and ESRC Centre on Dynamics of Ethnicity
Ethnic
minority groups in central London districts have, on average, 5 percent higher
unemployment than their White British counterparts and 15 percent higher levels
of overcrowding in housing. Within these districts ethnic inequalities are
marked. Our analyses showed not only the extent of ethnic inequalities across
England and Wales but that they are persistent over time and that they are
greater in some parts of the country than others, and for some ethnic groups.
The disparity in the socio-economic position of ethnic
minority and White British people has been a central and persistent feature of
British society. Ethnic inequality has been well documented in studies for over
50 years: ethnic minority people have been found to fare worse than the White
British across a range of employment, education, housing and health outcomes. What
these studies have not shown is how the experiences of ethnic minority groups
vary within and across localities. As well as demonstrating inequalities in
diverse, urban areas, our study showed how they exist in rural areas with low
ethnic minority concentrations. In 2011, in the rural
hinterlands in England and Wales there were 5 percent more young adults from
ethnic minority groups without any qualifications and 9 percent higher levels
of overcrowding in housing.
Divergent
experience of ethnic groups within areas raises questions about broader social
processes of disadvantage and exclusion. For example, are services in an area
addressing the needs of some groups better than others? Is racism and
discrimination more prevalent in some areas than others? Are there places that are
operating in such a way that no ethnic group is particularly advantaged and
disadvantaged?
Our
analysis for this research used 2001 and 2011 Census data for districts of
England and Wales. Census data is unique in enabling the study of ethnic groups
for sub-national areas of the UK. We calculated inequalities between ethnic
groups for indicators of education, employment, health and housing. To examine
geographical variation in ethnic inequalities we made use of the 2011 Office
for National Statistics area classification which groups districts on the basis
of 59 demographic and socio-economic variables.
Inequalities in employment (difference in unemployment rates) between Black African and White British ethnic groups in districts of England and Wales, 2001 and 2011
Notes:
Inequality scores are shown for districts with an ethnic minority population at
risk of at least 100. Districts are mapped as cartograms which depict them
approximately proportional to their population size. Employment inequality is
measured as the the percentage point difference in the proportion of
the Black African group and the White British group in those aged 25 or above who are unemployed. Hatched areas
(positive score) indicate ethnic minority advantage in employment.
Ethnic
inequalities were greatest and most widespread in employment and housing: most
ethnic minority groups were disadvantaged on these indicators in 2001 and 2011
irrespective of where they lived, and this was particularly pronounced for the
Black African group. This can be seen in the maps above: in 2011 people from
the Black African group had higher levels of unemployment than White British people
in most districts, particularly in urban areas located in London and northern
England, reaching almost 30 percentage points higher unemployment in some
areas. Over the decade 2001-2011 both the level and geographical spread of
Black African employment inequality increased.
The
experience of the White Other ethnic group is also notable and distinctive, in
terms of high levels of inequality in education and housing, particularly in
rural and coastal areas. This group is made up of a high proportion of recent
immigrants from Europe (mainly from the EU Accession countries). The evidence
of their disadvantage, and its geography, points to a need for policy to
consider migrant integration, for addressing inequalities and in relation to
social relations and cohesion more broadly.
But
the story is not exclusively of ethnic minority disadvantage. In terms of
education and (age standardised) health, ethnic minority groups in most
districts experienced lower inequality in 2011 than in 2001 and fared better
than the White British group in 2011.
This
research provides new evidence of the extent and persistence of ethnic
inequalities in England and Wales. We have suggested that processes relating to
segregation and integration may provide some explanation alongside a mismatch
between demand for, and provision of, local services and the impact of
immigration. The results suggest there is a need for both national and local
policy intervention; nationally to address ethnic minority disadvantage in
employment and housing, and locally, for example provision in rural and coastal
schools for young people in the White other ethnic group. As Britain grapples
with its position within, or alongside, Europe, understanding the patterns and
processes of inequalities is more pertinent than ever.
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